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CPDM @ 31 

CDPM Empty Treasury, Huge Expenditure

Has CPDM Uncontrolled Economic Liberalism Hampered Cameroon’s Progress?

How CPDM Coerces Business Moguls To Become Militants

CPDM And The Triumph Of Machiavellian Politics

YCPDM National Presidency; A Poisoned Seat?

CPDM Section On War Path Over Election Manoeuvres

CPDM Section On War Path Over Election Manoeuvres

By YerimaKiniNsom

The Nyong and Mfoumou North East Section of the ruling CPDM party in the Centre Region is celebrating the party’s 31st anniversary in the heat of raging acrimony resulting from electoral squabbles of the recent reorganisation of its basic organs.

The conflict that has been lurking since November last year, was blown open on March 21, when the Section President of the Nyong and Mfoumou North East, Hon Roger Nkodo Ndang, attempted to install the losers of the reorganisation exercise.

Nkodo Ndang, The Post learnt, attempted to install Caulin Ze Biwole whose list lost the election in the Efoufoup Subsection in the area. Nkodo Ndang, who is also the President of the Pan-African Parliament, wanted to install the loser at the detriment of Jean Nkoumba Esseba’s list that won the Subsection election.

Going by official results published by the President of the Nyong and Mfoumou Supervisory Commission of the reorganising, Basil Atangana Kouna, Nkoumba Essebe won Ze Biwole by over 80 votes.
Eyewitnesses told The Post that local party supporters in the Kobdombo in the Nyakokombo Subdivision came out in protest and stopped Hon. Nkodo Ndang from installing the wrong executive last Monday.
The irate crowd reportedly poured scorn on the MP, accusing him of trying to reverse the results of the election that took place on November 25, 2015.

The Divisional Officer, DO, of the area, Felix Augustin Bondze Samba, who led the Nkodo Ndang team, was reportedly rough-handled by the angry crowd. Thus, they succeeded in botching the installation of Ze Biwole who is the village head of Efoufoup, the Mayor of Kobdombo Council as well as the outgone Subsection President.

After the party hierarchy declared Nkoumba Essebe’s list winner of the election, Biwole petitioned hierarchy. In a letter dated November 26, 2015, he urged the party to annul the results of the election because massive fraud characterised the entire exercise.

Nkodo Dang equally corroborated the claims of massive fraud in another petition to the chair of the commission. He called for the cancellation of the victory of Nkoumba Essebe’s list. He said the candidates in the list had not fulfilled the criteria for eligibility.

He added, among other things, that the candidates were of doubtful moral character and had only bought party cards at the eve of the reorganisation exercise. He called for the reverse of the results so that Biwole’s list could instead be declared winner.

The Post learnt that the party did not heed the call for cancellation. The losing camp surreptitiously attempted to organise what they claimed was a repeat of the election. They are said to have decided, with the help of the Chair of Section’s electoral Commission, Leon Narcisse Ndongo, without properly informing the other camp. But an irate crowd also stopped them

Before last Monday’s incident, the newly elected subsection president of Efoufoup, Nkoumba Essebe, had forwarded a correspondence to the hierarchy denouncing what he called the planned fraudulent installation of someone who did not win the election. He held that the result that reflects the aspirations of the masses should be maintained. He also called for the respect of the party Chairman’s circular No. 001/RDPC/PN of July 27, 2015.

The winners and the losers of the reorganisation exercise in Efoufoup are at each other’s neck and need the arbitration of the party’s hierarchy.

YCPDM National Presidency; A Poisoned Seat?

By Maxcel Fokwen

The Cameroon Peoples Democratic Movement, CPDM, party was hatched out of the ruins of former President Ahmadou Ahidjo’s Cameroon National Union, CNU, On March 24, 1985.

It is 31 years of existence; nothing has changed regarding the party’s chairmanship. Paul Biya has been the man calling the shots for over three decades. In the women wing, the status quo has seldom changed.
At the level of the Youth wing, the most coveted position; that of the National President, has somewhat become controversial. The CPDM has known three national youth Presidents from the Southwest in its 30 years it has rarely been occupied by a person for even a decade.

The Region has recorded some of the worst political misfortunes due the seat of YCPDM national President. All last three former Presidents; Enow Ebai Enane, Prince John Akpo Mukete and lately Stephen Mbonga Motia hailed from the same Region.

The seat of national youth presidency left Kupemuanenguba under unclear circumstances. Enow Ebai Enane, a native of Nguti Subdivision did not leave power by natural means. Nor did his last days on earth register any good memories.

Ebai is reported to have come face-to-face with mental frailty and later gave up the ghost under questionable circumstances.
As Ebai left the political scene, John Akpo Mukete took over. Akpo will enjoy political fame as the CPDM National Youth President but will not continue, due to ill health.

In a secret letter posted on his Facebook page dated September 2, 2008 and addressed to the National President of the CPDM through the then CPDM scribe, Rene Emmanuel Sadi, the Prince of Kumba narrates situations surrounding him back then.

“I was in a comma for almost two (2) months, I give thanks, thanks be to the Almighty GOD for my unspeakable recovery in JESUS’ mighty name. Letter(s) came from those concerned in the Cameroon Government to the hospital as concerns my medical bills and the cost of my return, but as things changed now to, to my recovery of the extremely coming back alive and better than what I was in my days when I was a student and a Pilot many years ago and when my beloved wife informed them of my recovery, nobody answered, anymore till date until placed before the District Judge of the Court”.

In 2006, his family will stage a thanksgiving service in honour of their brother to thank God for his recovery from stroke. At the same time, the former national youth President was reported to have done same in Europe.

In the last few years, Akpo has returned to the country and goes about his private business.
Luck fell on Meme Division again at the 3rd ordinary congress of the CPDM staged between September 15-16 in Yaounde in 2011. Akpo’s successor emerged to be Stephen Mbonda Motia from Mbonge Subdivision.
The native of Bai Sombe Village gained unprecedented fame. He travelled out of the country and made a name for himself when it came to political rallies.

Across the Southwest Region, Mbonda made a case for the CPDM to penetrate difficult grounds.
Despite his unprecedented rise to that position, what chased his predecessors probably resurrected against Mbonda. Mbonda’s health situation skewed negatively in 2014.

On August, 6, 2014, the people of the Southwest got the shocking news of the National President’s demise. He gave up the ghost at the Kumba District Hospital after he was rushed in from Limbe that fateful day.

On October, 18, 2014, John Bosasi Mbonda, father of the deceased, will not hide his feelings concerning is son’s demise.
Addressing mourners at the Mbonge Grandstand, he accused the political class of killing his son and promised to fight back.

Surprisingly, in August of 2015, almost around the same date, the father of the former National Youth President joined his ancestors.
His death swelled the unanswered questions as to what sponsors misfortune against anything National Youth President of the CPDM.

Beyond the fears always expressed regarding the position, Meme Division, which considers the position as hers, is already polishing candidates to present to the party hierarchy as Mbonda’s successor. Who will be next CPDM President and what fate awaits the person?

CPDM And The Triumph Of Machiavellian Politics

By Yerima Kini Nsom

Since the Cameroon National Union, CNU, metamorphosed to the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement, CPDM on March 24, 1985, the party has remained a master of the power game.
The party, paradoxically, was lunched in Bamenda which gave birth to the most radical opposition party, five years later.

When multiparty politics was reborn in 1990, the CPDM almost kissed the dust. The most challenging moment for the party was in 1992 when it was unable to have a majority in Parliament. The UPC, NUDP and MDR, had won close to a hundred seats in that year’s Parliamentary election. The situation kept the CPDM in the minority until the MDR, led by Dakole Daissala, rescued the party by forming an alliance with it his six seats.

Another embarrassment for the ruling party was in the 1992 Presidential election, widely believed to have been won by the candidate of the opposition coalition, Ni John Fru Ndi. Yet, the Supreme Court declared the CPDM candidate, President Biya, winner.

From then, the CPDM consolidated its strategies to win every election. Some observers put it very bluntly, that the party later devised more sophisticated rigging strategies to keep the opposition at safe distance away from power.
This explains why the opposition has continued to have dwindling fortunes in national elections over the years.

The logic of Machiavellian politics reigned within the ruling party. Party barons sounded the trumpet all over the country that the main objective of the party was to win all elections. Thus, the end justifiedwhatever fowl means the party used to win elections. It even justified the meanness of election rigging in Cameroon.

The CPDM demonstrated that rigging culture during the reorganisation of its basic organs that ended recently. By that token, the ruling party has re-conquered its lost territory, thereby daring the opposition in its backyard.

From every indication, the CPDM regime has made the electoral terrain a veritable jungle. Here, the Darwinian principle of survival of the fittest is in vogue, despite calls for free, fair and balance elections. The party has often taken undue advantage over the opposition. Since the party barons are State officials, they have often conducted public affairs in such a way that it is only a blurred twilight that separates the outfit from the State.

Critics hold that, until recently when the anti-corruption drive, the Operation Sparrow Hawk, began hunting down embezzlers of public funds, some officials behaved as if the CPDM and the State have the same wallet. Yet, it remains an open secret that the CPDM uses State paraphernalia and personnel during electoral campaigns.

Under the CPDM, the virtue of the spirit of the separation of powers as advocated by the French Philosopher, Montesquieu, is absent. The judiciary, the legislative and the executive are just the three persons in one CPDM “god”.

Thus, the three powers constitute only an unholy trinity that is too impotent to ensure the necessary checks and balances in Government.
The CPDM propaganda officer, Prof. Jacques Fame Ndongo, holds that the party’s victories in elections are a reflection that the Cameroon people finally understand that the opposition has nothing to offer. To him, it is the main reason why the masses voted overwhelmingly for the CPDM in the Council,

Parliamentary and Presidential elections in recent years. But, an opposition MP, Hon. Joseph Mbah Ndam, says that the obese majority that the CPDM has in Councils, National Assembly and the Senate is the fruit of sophisticated rigging during elections.

The inner workings of the party bespeak some positive mutations, even though conservative forces have remained stronger. Those who have called for radical reforms over the years within the party have been crushed in the blow-out between lovers of the status-quo.
Despite his sit-tight prosperity, the CPDM party Chair, Paul Biya, is one of those who carried the insignia of change in the party.

When a group CPDM self-seeking individuals took to the streets in 1990 denouncing multi-party politics as “imported political models”, Biya simply told them to be prepared for competition.
Biya is still the one that warned the CPDM barons to stop lording it over elected local officials in their constituencies.

To him, the CPDM derives its powers from the basic organs. It is Biya who said corrupt CPDM officials would no longer be allowed to embezzle State funds and use the party as a shield to escape the wrath of the law.

Even if he was just playing to the gallery, it is on record that Biya tolerated party baron, Rene Ze Nguele, to challenge him during the last congress of the party in Yaounde.

The obese presence of the CPDM in all State institutions has reduced the opposition to a whimpering dwarf. Cameroon’s opposition, that is expected to bray at government’s excesses, cuts the pathetic picture of a small dog barking in front of an omnipresent elephant. The opposition has no teeth to bite, also because it is dispersed ranks

That’s why journalist, Magnus Braga of Emergence Newspaper, puts it very bluntly that; “not even God can win the CPDM in any elections in such a situation.” (forgive the journalist for that blasphemous statement). Yet, his hyperbole was intended to show how desperate the opposition is in front of the giant CPDM.

How CPDM Coerces Business Moguls To Become Militants

By Joe Dinga Pefok

Most of the Cameroonian business moguls passing around for militants of the ruling CPDM are in the party more out of convenience than out of political conviction.

The CPDM regime has, since the rebirth of multi-party politics in 1990, been using all sorts of unorthodox means to coerce business moguls to militate in the party. Those who try to resist joining the CPDM are perceived as supporters of opposition parties and are threatened with the possible destruction of their businesses.

The CPDM regime does not only want business moguls to join the party so that they can be raising funds for party activities, after all the CPDM has access to the State coffers. What appears to be the main preoccupation of the CPDM regime in using all means to get all business moguls to join the party, is a strategy to deprive the opposition of funds.

To the CPDM regime, as long as the opposition parties in Cameroon are generally poor, they will remain weak and, thus, pose no serious challenge to power. Rather, during elections, some little money is distributed to parties to participate in the elections. While the impoverished leaders, elite and militants of opposition parties will be fighting over the money, the CPDM will be quietly rigging the elections.

Even at Municipal Elections which is a grassroots competition, very few opposition parties are able to register up to a dozen candidates in each of the over 300 Municipal Councils in the country, not because they lack militants as the CPDM mockingly claims, but the lack of financial means.
The regime knows that if Cameroonian business moguls, like in a real democracy, are allowed to support the political parties they like, there are opposition parties that will likely receive heavy funding, be more regular and active on the field and pose bigger challenge at elections.

Unorthodox Strategies

One of the strategies being used by the regime to coerce business moguls to militate in the CPDM is taxation. When a prominent businessman refuses to join the CPDM, Tax Inspectors are assigned to handle him accordingly. The Tax Inspectors on special mission would move in and apply a strange and absurd system of tax assessment mathematical calculation that only they understand, then, more than double the taxes the businessman has to pay. The businessman will be given barely few days to pay the taxes or have his business premises sealed. Hence, such a businessman is forced to come to ‘reason’ by joining the ruling party.

Another strategy is the nonpayment of debts owed by the State to the companies of the business moguls who are reluctant to join the ruling party. The situation is worse when the business mogul is perceived by the CPDM regime to be a supporter of an opposition party.

Members of the regime argue, in their armpits, that the Government will not give money to somebody for him to use to finance opposition against the regime, as if the money is not a debt owed his enterprise by the State. The CPDM party and regime considers State funds and property as belonging to the party.

Kadji Defosso Example

Following the rebirth of multi party politics in Cameroon with the launching of the SDF on May 26, 1990, and the CPDM regime forced to officially declare multi-party politics in 1991, one of Cameroon’s richest businessmen, Joseph Kadji Defosso, thought it was time for any Cameroonian to freely join or support any political party.

Kadji Defosso, who hails from Bana in Upper Nkam Division, West Region, is the President of the Kadji Group that owns ‘Union Camerounaise de Brasseries,’ UCB, in Douala, among many other businesses.
With the rebirth of multi-party politics, Kadji, happily, turned his support to the SDF. The CPDM regime was not happy that the multi billionaire had turned to the ‘Bamenda party’, instead of staying with the ruling party.

A couple of months after, Kadji reportedly bought a brand new Land Cruiser for FCFA 55 million from Cami-Toyota, paid one year insurance for the vehicle and gave the vehicle to an opposition leader.

The CPDM regime boiled in anger against Kadji and a group of Tax Inspectors were assigned on special mission to mess up the Kadji Group. The Kadji Group was charged for owing taxes. Kadji did not say no, but pointed out that the State owed the Kadji Group an amount much higher that the tax the Group owed the State. There had been an initial discussion that the then Ministry of Economy and Finance and the Kadji Group will sit down and balance their accounts. But with Kadji having identified with the opposition, the CPDM regime was bent on teaching him a bitter lesson.

So, the Tax Inspectors on special assignment to tackle the Kadji Group insisted that the Group had to pay the taxes immediately; else the businesses would be shut down. The Tax Inspectors said their interest was with the taxes owed by the Kadji Group and that the debt the State owed the Group was of no interest to them.

Before Kadji knew what was happening, the Tax Inspectors swung into action. One of the major and visible businesses of the Group, at the time, was Hôtel Arcade Tropicana at Bonanjo, Douala. The three-star Hôtel Arcade, with 195 rooms, was constructed in 1985, and was then one of the top hotels in the country. Many of its clients were foreigners, including tourists.

The Tax Inspectors, accompanied by a squad of the forces of law of order, stormed Arcade Hotel unannounced and ordered all the clients, including foreigners, to immediately pack and leave and the hotel was sealed.

They Tax Inspectors then moved over to UCB at the Bassa Industrial Zone and threatened to seal the brewery. Part of the production chain at the brewery was disrupted.
In the face of this move by the CPDM regime to ruin his businesses, Kadji went down on his knees and begged. He was thus forced to join the CPDM and his business reopened.

Panic Amongst Bamileke

The CPDM regime seemed to have taken on Kadji so severely as to also serve a warning to all the other several rich Bamileke businessmen who were either already supporting the opposition or were likely to. Besides being one of the richest Bamilke businessmen, Kadji was one the most renowned and highly respected Bamileke elite. That a man like Kadji was messed up so badly by the CPDM regime, sent a strong message to Bamileke businessmen who were either already supporters of the opposition or were likely to be.

“If the regime can do such a thing to Kadji, what more of me?” was the question on every Bamilike businessperson’s mind.

Thus Bamileke businesspeople were forced to join the CPDM and that has remained the tendency. The Bamilekes are generally very inclined to business and mostly do well. The majority of Cameroonian business moguls are Bamilekes who have all been coerced to join the CPDM to protect their businesses.
As a sort of ‘compensation’ or ‘encouragement’ to develop interest in the CPDM, some of the prominent Bamileke business moguls were given opportunities by the party hierarchy to become Mayors in their different villages.

The President of the Fotso Group, Victor Fotso, widely considered as the richest Cameroonian businessman, has, for several years now, been Mayor of his native Bandjoun, Koung Khi Division in the West Region. Kadji Defosso has been hanging on as Mayor of Bana for several years, even now that he needs to be supported to walk due to age. Another Douala-based Bamileke business mogul, André Sohaing, who owned the renowned Hôtel Akwa Palace in Douala, among other businesses, was Mayor of the CPDM-run Bayangam Council in Koung Khi Division, West Region, for several years, until he died last year.

Has CPDM Uncontrolled Economic Liberalism Hampered Cameroon’s Progress?

By Nformi Sonde Kinsai

The economic policy of the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement, CPDM, has evolved for 31 years in the face of changing global economic trends since 1985 when the party was created in Bamenda.
The policy mutated over the years in the face of global economic transformations until it was pegged on three basic domains during the last CPDM ordinary congress of 2011, notably; the economic, financial and governance policies.

Such economic policies have, over the years, been wrapped in all sorts of slogans with the most recent being the clamour for Cameroon’s emergence in 2035 where economic growth, democracy and unity in diversity is expected to be the order of the day. How far this slogan will go without visible concrete action on the ground for its attainment, is another matter altogether.

The ruling CPDM party, with President Paul as Chairman since inception, has thus been exhorting the Government under its control to ensure that the liberal economic policy should have a human face. They are harping on modern production apparatuses, accelerating economic growth, launching major projects all over the national territory and diversifying economic activities with emphasis on industrial, mining, transport, energy, telecommunications, tourism and agricultural sectors as panacea to the country’s development. The extent to which the ongoing major projects are fairly distributed all over the national territory is another jigsaw puzzle.

The goal of the CPDM Government is that such major projects should reinforce the production capacity of the country and boost export from the rural communities, especially if the provision of water and electricity; access to funding, effective functioning of the agricultural and small and medium sized banks, among others, are guaranteed. The target of the party is that with the development of these sectors, decent jobs would be created for Cameroonians; the purchasing power of the population would be strengthened as well as to get the Diaspora more involved in the country’s economic development.

In the domain of financial policy, the party is pushing on the Government to sustain the reforms aimed at cleaning public finances, notably; the protection of the sources of State revenue, making the national tax policy more attractive and scrupulously controlling public expenditure. Other measures in this regard include the cleaning of the State payroll to ensure that those who are paid from the State purse are those effectively working. A number of censuses targeting State personnel over the years have been conducted in this direction, but the results recorded are far from being satisfactory as many people who have abandoned their jobs for greener pastures abroad are still earning their salaries, sometimes with the complicity of top State functionaries.

In the area of economic governance, the CPDM party is urging the Government in place to ensure the principle of probity in the management of public resources. The party is, therefore, calling for an all out war against corruption and the embezzlement of public funds. To reinforce this policy, the party wants the actions of the numerous anti-corruption organs in the country to be reinforced. It believes that such actions would consolidate in an irreversible manner, its option of decentralisation.

The guarantee of judicial security, CPDM adherents hold, would be an attractive element to foreign investors.
Despite these economic policies propounded by the CPDM party, the field reality is quite different. Critics, especially members of Civil Society Organisations, CSOs, are of the strong opinion that the CPDM regime misconstrued economic liberalism, is failing to protect infant industries and allows uncontrolled cheap foreign goods to be dumped in the country in the name of importation, thereby leading to unfair competition that has killed local industries.

The importation, for example, of used dresses and shoes (okrika) from other countries is not helping our textile and shoe manufacturing industries.
Critics have argued that, by opening our doors to massive importation of such goods, especially cheap products from China, the CPDM Government is an accomplice to capital flight. They say by that token, Cameroon is helping in funding foreign companies thus creating jobs for citizens in those countries while aggravating unemployment and poverty in their own country.

It is said that a Government that is conscious and determined to improve on its local economy would give technical training to its citizens, promote local industrial development, transform and add value to its products for exportation to other countries.

As the CPDM celebrates its 31st anniversary, the Government under its control is seemingly coming to terms with the shortcomings of its liberal economic policies as the regime has now engaged a bill at the national assembly to regulate external trade activities with the view of spurring economic growth. The bill, in its explanatory statement, notes that the principle of freedom of import or export subject to some restrictions will be adopted.

The bill also gears at “protecting domestic production by combating unfair import trade practices such as dumping and subsidies on the one hand, and mass imports on the other, that can cause serious injury to the domestic industry…”

The bill, divided into 72 sections and nine chapters, also aims at providing legal security for external trade transactions trough the establishment of an electronic platform known as the e-Single Window for External Trade Transactions known by its French acronym as “E-Guce.”

The fight against corruption in the country needs to be more encompassing and seen by Cameroonians as being non-discriminatory. People who have been investigated by anti-corruption organs, found wanting and recommended for prosecution should be brought to justice. And emphasis should be laid on recovering the loot rather than simply sending people to jail and allowing them to continue to swim in the ill-gotten wealth while behind the bars.

CDPM Empty Treasury, Huge Expenditure

By Bouddih Adams

The CPDM, actually, has no funds in its treasury, but usually spends huge sums of money during elections or activities where it wants to ‘fait semblant’ or give the impression that it has militants.
One time National Treasurer of the CPDM, Emah Basil (of blessed memory), once announced that the total amount of money in the National Treasury of the party was fifty-something thousand francs (CFA 50,000 and a few francs).

Political parties raise funds through the sale of party gadgets and other material, but these are given out free of charge by the CPDM – a clear indication that people don’t like to buy them.
The late Hon. Samuel Ngeh Tamfu once described his tribe’s people as “very dull”. He could not understand why, as the then CPDM Section President for Donga Mantung, he would bring CPDM paraphernalia like fabric, T-shirts, caps, umbrellas and mufflers and is distributing for free, but Nkambe and Ndu people would go around searching for the same kind of gear of an opposition political party to buy.
Those who are hired given the T-shirts and fabric to march as CPDM militants, end up wearing them on their dogs, goats or pigs.

Even the big militants of the party never used to pay the deposit required for its candidates to run as municipal councillors or parliamentarians. It is only recently that the party introduced a situation where the candidate is expected to pay part of the deposit and the party the rest.

Section Treasurers and those of lower organs don’t usually have any records of money in their keeping. What they usually have is sporadic records of funds disbursed from Yaounde for an activity like elections, celebration of an anniversary [the party’s or the party chairman’s], national day 20 May, national youth day, or some other occasion where militants and non militants are hired to come out and show the “strength of the party.”

The way they manage funds cuts picture of a man who is given huge money from time to time which he carries on his head and distributes but has empty pockets.
“Most of the times, the funds are handled and directly dispensed by the resource persons or chargés de mission dispatched from Yaounde,” a CPDM Section President confided in us. He disclosed that the money is officially, usually, sent by the Central Committee of the CPDM, but the actual source of the money is never known.

Squandering State Funds

When funds are required for some activities, sometimes party officials unconsciously declare that the Minister of Finance has not disbursed the money – meaning it is State funds the party is always draining.
The bulk of CPDM money, theretofore, comes from State coffers. Businesspeople who are coerced to join the party either in order to get contracts, or are dealers in direct consumer products or services but are afraid that their business will be taxed aground are compelled to cough up the other part.

Then, nearly all civil servants have been constrained to become militants of the party, under which they hide the embezzlement of public funds or their corrupt practices, protect themselves by contributing to the political exercises or party activities, when they come up. That is why most of the people caught for embezzlement and serving time at Kondengui, for example, former FEICOM General Manager, Emmanuel Gerard Ondong Ndong, confessed that he used part of the money he was accused of misappropriating in sponsoring the party.

The “Oye ye ye ye ye” party does not differentiate party funds from State funds. They are all lumped together. The party behaves as if the country is a one-party State.
The National Chairman of the party and President of the Republic, His Excellency Paul Biya, doesn’t help matters. To him, the party is the State and the State is the party. This was demonstrated in his 2012 cabinet shake up when he appointed the Secretary General of the ruling party alongside the members of the Government.

When a pro-opposition businessman complains that he is owed by the State and Government officials are blocking the payment, members of the regime always argue that the Government should not pay money to somebody who will use it to finance the opposition against the regime; as if it is money owned by the CPDM. That is one of the ways in which the CPDM demonstrates that there is no difference between State funds and party funds; that it considers State funds and property as belonging to the party.

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