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(Re) Unification Logo Or Monument 

By Bouddih Adams — The Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary; International Student’s Edition, defines a logo as: “A printed design or symbol that a company or an organisation uses as its special sign. Meantime, it defines a monument as (1) Building, column, statue, et cetera, built to remind people of a famous person or (2) Building that has special historic importance, (3) A thing that remains good as an example of somebody’s qualities or of what they did.

Therefore, a logo is a design used as a symbol on the letter head of a company, the nameplate of a newspaper, on a signpost or something symbolising an event. When a logo is designed for an event, it is printed on T-shirts, banners, badges or brooches, food plates, pens, or other PR gadgets. A logo is ephemeral, while a monument is imperially lasting.

So, what was erected in Buea against the celebration of the 50th anniversary of (Re) Unification is a logo and no a monument. This means that if the Cameroons were to celebrate the 60th anniversary of (Re) Unification, it would have to build another logo, may be on which the hands on the present ‘monument’ would be carrying 60, or it would need to paint ‘6’ on ‘5’, or to change the ‘5’ in 50 to ‘6’ the way they do doki, à la Kumba way, so that it becomes 60.

But a monument or a statue would remain the same, even after centuries, so that some people, who can live for 200 years like the Head of State, would see it as it was originally built.
If a logo can be come a monument, then, the Cameroon Code of Arms, which is as old as the Cameroons and which has adorned Government documents, crowns and brooches for the military and paramilitary, number plates of Government vehicles, for more than 50 years, would have been built as one.

There is actually no problem creating a logo for an event like (Re) Unification celebrations. After all, we did not have a problem with the logo for the celebration of 50 years of the Armed Forces in Bamenda in 2010 (in spite of the fact that its original designer was short-changed). Just like we did not have any problem with the logo for the celebration of 50 years of (Re) Unification; BUT, we have a very big problem with the fact that the logo was transformed into a monument.

Yet, during the celebrations of 50 years of the Armed Forces in Bamenda, the logo was not transformed into a monument. Rather, a statue of a soldier in a drench or trench coat and helmet with a rug sac strapped on his back, as if going to or returning from a war to defend his fatherland, stands high at Up Station at the gateway into Bamenda, overlooking the regional military headquarters and Bamenda City – I dare say – watching over the military headquarters and the city of Bamenda.

Just like in front of the Courts in Buea, there is the statue or monument to justice. The statue depicts a very pretty girl, as pretty as justice when it is running its course, with her eyes blindfolded and a sword carried in her right hand; representing the fact that justice is blind, is no respecter of persons and would bring down its sword (punishment) on offenders, no matter who they are.

If we were to celebrate, say 50 years of the Cameroonian judiciary, a logo would surely be designed for the event, but the statue of justice will always be there, reminding everyone of what justice is or should be. Is a different logo not designed each and every year on the women’s day wrapper? But has the statue or effigy of a woman (whatever it represents) on the FCFA bank notes and some coins, ever changed?

That reminds me of the gift that Fon Teche offered to Biya in the name of the Fons of the Northwest, which his colleague, the Fon Zofoa, described as an effigy of President Biya himself. If it is not sycophancy or buying favours that have turned into some kind of dementia, how would they give Biya an effigy of himself, when there are so many mirrors at the Unity Palace and in his Mvomeka residence where he would see himself each time he wants to.

Truly, effigies should be made of dead people; so that such effigies would remind the living of the (good or bad) deeds or examples of the persons they represent. By giving Biya an effigy of himself, was Fon Teche sending a message? If he was, then, let it be so. But if the traditional rulers of the Northwest, like their colleagues of the Southwest, had a selfless intent, they would have presented Biya with, respectively with the effigies of JN Foncha and of EML Endeley.

That brings us to the question; why is the Biya regime avoiding erecting monuments of these people who were empirical architects of (Re) Unification, including Ahidjo, who handed over the luscious position that he is enjoying.  Why does he avoid calling them by their names?
Are the answers to these questions blowing in the wind?
Are We Together?

First published in The Post print edition no 01511